Arrian - Introduction
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF ARRIAN.
from E.J Chinnock, 1893
ALL we know of Arrian is derived from the notice of him in the “Bibliotheca” of Photius, who was Patriarch of Constantinople in the ninth century, and from a few incidental references in his own writings. We learn from Suidas that Dio Cassius wrote a biography of Arrian; but this work is not extant.
Flavius Arrianus was born near the end of the first century of the Christian era, at Nicomedia, the capital of Bithynia. He became a pupil of the famous Stoic philosopher Epictetus, and afterwards went to Athens, where he received the surname of the “younger Xenophon,” from the fact that he occupied the same relation to Epictetus as Xenophon did to Socrates.’ Not only was he called Xenophon by others, but he calls himself so in “Cynegeticus” (v. 6); and in “Periplus”(xii. 5; xxv. 1), he distinguishes Xenophon by the addition the elder.’ Lucian (“ Alexander,” 56) calls Arrian simply Xenophon. During the stay of the emperor Hadrian at Athens, A.D. 126, Arrian gained his friendship. He accompanied his patron to Rome, where he received the Roman citizenship. In consequence of this, he assumed the name of Flavius. In the same way the Jewish historian, Josephus, had been allowed by Vespasian and Titus to bear the imperial name Flavius.1
Photius says, that Arrian had a distinguished career in Rome, being intrusted with various political offices, and at last reaching the supreme dignity of consul under Antoninus Pius. Previous to this he was appointed (A.D. 132) by Hadrian, Governor of Cappadocia, which province was soon after invaded by the Alani, or Massagetae, whom he defeated and expelled.2 When Marcus Aurelius came to the throne, Arrian withdrew into private life and returned to his native city, Nicomedia. Here, according to Photius, he was appointed priest to Demeter and Persephone. He died in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.3
The earlier literary efforts of Arrian were philosophical. After the expulsion of the philosophers from Rome, by Domitian, Epictetus delivered his lectures at Nicopolis, in Epirus, where it is probable that Arrian was his pupil.3


版本、译本及其他
　　《远征记》的版本，除格罗诺版本外，还有阿比其特1875和1889年版本，克勒格1835年版本，辛提尼斯1867年版本，罗斯（小杜卜诺编）1907 年版本。H·W·奥顿（布莱克伍德）还编写了卷一和卷二的学生版（1902年），否则，这么有意思的一位名家著作就没有学生版了。秦诺克（E.J.）的《远征记》和《印度》译本，附有一些有用的注释，但现已绝版。在巴黎出版的一套很好的名著（原文和译文，G·布德学会编）中，也有《印度》这一部。
　　在J·W·麦克润德所著《古印度史》五卷中，大段大段地摘录了《远征记》和《印度》中的文字，译文很好。还可参见《剑桥古代史》卷六（W·W·塔恩著）、《剑桥印度史》以及《英国历史杂志》18<1>96年十月号中白尔汉姆的文章。在一般学术杂志和年鉴中，阿里安不大引起学者注意。近年出版的卜西安年鉴只提到几句。《希腊研究杂志》近几年来有过一些有意思的摘要（W·W·塔恩在48期[2]，L·R·太勒在47期[1]和48期[1]有一篇叫《波斯王的精灵》；A·D·诺克在48期[1]有一篇文章，探讨亚历山大以前的“对统治者的崇拜”即关于“匍伏礼”的问题。这下子当然引起了争论。但我们可以怀疑，就连亚历山大本人也不见得很明白这种事会招致什么后果，或可能招致什么后果）。关于阿里安著作一般是否可靠的问题，在这些文章里也进行了大量的讨论。


阿里安（FLAVUS ARRIANUS）
　　 阿里安一生的经历比较简单。他是希腊人，约于公元96年出生于尼考米地亚。因此，当哈德良、安敦尼·庇护和马可·奥理略 【译者注：他们都是罗马帝国的皇帝，当时希腊已经是罗马帝国的一部分。】 在位时，正是他在世的时期。哈德良曾委任他为卡帕多西亚总督（公元131-137）。对一个希腊人来说，这个职位已是最高的荣誉。147年他在雅典当执政官。阿里安大约死于180年。由于曾在部队服役过，所以他写这部远征记的时候还是一位行家。作为艾皮克提塔斯 【译者注：（约公元55-135），雅典斯多噶（禁欲主义）学派的哲学家】 的学生，他曾把老师的讲话记录下来编写成书，即《师门述闻》。在他的老师的学说方面，他算是一位重要权威。
　　 他写的这部亚历山大历史的价值取决于当时的官方史料是否准确。而官方史料是否准确这个问题却是无法解决的（正象W·W·塔恩在《剑桥古代史》卷六中指出的 那样）。因为阿里安并不隐瞒他写的这部书是以托勒密和阿瑞斯托布拉斯二人的记述作为主要的依据。关于前者，他还曾天真的说出他的看法，认为托勒密作为国王 不至于说谎；甚至还说，托勒密写书时亚历山大已经死去，他再吹拍谄媚也不会得到什么好处。阿里安这个看法只能说明他尊敬帝王，也许这一点是值得赞扬的；但 同时也说明他缺乏批判精神。亚历山大死后，托勒密把他自己在远征中扮演的角色加以美化，满可以从中得到很大的好处。马哈菲在他的《希腊生活和思想》第 205页上说：“在托勒密的记述中……很明显，他对自己的成就毫不挑剔，也毫不遗漏。”在同页的脚注中还补充说：“作为一位作家，托勒密（苏特）的命运是 稀奇古怪的。一方面有阿里安夸奖他的《亚历山大回忆录》是一部最严肃、最真实的著作；另一方面，有人杜撰了一些故事，冒用卡利西尼斯【 译者注：亚历山大的随军御史，朝廷大事和远征情况都由他编写。】 的名义发表，后来在书前还加上托勒密的名字。而且，在C·米勒所著《伪卡利西尼斯考》一书的序言第27页上，还有一位中世纪的读者写的一首讽刺短诗，描绘托勒密的无知和欺诈。”
　　 托勒密究竟是不是一只寻觅狮子吃剩的残肉碎骨以果腹的豺狼，我们可以先不去管它，也可以认为中世纪那些讽刺短诗不足为凭；但问题并非就此结束。假如说托勒 密所记述的亚历山大的进军和胜利应是准确的官方史书的话，那么，从我们今天的观点看，是否仍然是准确的呢？而阿里安写的历史显然是以托勒密作为主要的根 据。
　　 读者对这个问题将有机会得出自己的看法。因为在阿里安的著作中，读者可以读到他那些小小的自我流露和他自己发表的意见。当他感到义不容辞时，他能毫无顾忌 地对亚历山大本人进行严厉的批评，这是值得赞扬的。在军事方面，虽然他有些专长，而且把亚历山大惯常的军事调度写得很清楚，但一出现不平常的情况，他写的 东西就有些含糊不清。一般说来，他写的历史还是读得下去的，只是有些单调沉闷。但当他根据两种或更多的史料编写时，往往不能把它们很好地揉合在一起。当 然，这是古代史作家的通病。
　　 他对亚历山大一生中那些浪漫主义色彩的东西，大部分都清醒地避开了。考虑到这么伟大的军事业绩只有少得可怜的文献记录时，他这样做的确是难能可贵的。


亚历山大的部队、战术和阿里安的术语
　　 我们感到幸运的是，亚历山大的战术属于最简单的一类，但颇有效力，特别在对付“土著”部队时。他的兵力重心是“方阵”，右翼是装备最重的骑兵精锐，左翼是 其他骑兵。在右翼外侧（也许在左翼外侧）是弓箭手和其他轻装部队。全部兵力的实际运用因地形不同而各异。但在一般的地形上，亚历山大通常可以自由选择自己 的位置时，左翼开始时只是坚守阵地，中央作为右翼的坚强枢纽，右翼则冲击敌人的左翼（或叫“盾牌一边”），甚至常把敌人赶到中央受方阵长矛杀伤，或赶到左 翼受到骑兵长枪的冲刺。阵线中央的方阵对付敌人主力，但一般不前进太远，除非右翼惯常的迂回受阻或发生异常情况。
　　 但阿里安对亚历山大的部队和战术的描述并不是十分清楚的。而且他确实也不是在同样情况下用同样的术语。他常用的专门术语，按顺序说就是，和。原义应该是部队一部，即持长矛的步兵，但有时他又用以代表全军。的下属建制就是，这个字有时用作专门术语，有时则不然。这些可能是按部队招来的不同地区组织的。这 个字特别麻烦。它显然常常没有什么特定的意义。在上边引用的复合字里，它的意思就象我国“本土部队”，指部队人员互相都认识，都是同伴或同乡。但这种部队 当中有一部分（实际上都是由真正马其顿出生的人组成的部队）配属亚历山大本人，作为他的近卫队的一部分。

阿里安用“伙友”这个字眼时是否想让我们理解为 “（亚历山大的）伙友”，这一点还搞不清楚。但他用这个字又作为一种头街，就象他用或似的，意即“国王扈从”，也许是“（马其顿）贵族子弟”。除这个字根外，不论或，都有，这个名词一般指的是轻装（护身装备较轻的）部队，也指某种附属部队（以其特殊名称表示），但也包括或雇佣兵，即由塞萨利、包欧提亚等地的人组成的部队，特别值得注意的是由阿格瑞安人组成的部队，他们是了不起的山地战和前哨战的能手。


　　 现在我们谈谈一种规模很大的部队，也涉及。这种部队组成亚历山大的卫队和实际上的近卫人员。最近身的可能是“扈从”，这些人也形成他的幕僚。再就是精选的，再就是（从广义上来说还有），叫作，也许和相同。但这支叫作“近卫”和“卫队”的大部队，并不只是保卫他们那位英勇的、甚至是鲁莽的领袖，而宁可说是形成一支特殊的突击队，极其机动灵活，随时准备突然急行军或去完成危险的突击任务。
　　 军队的调度是这样。方阵即使不是永远成方形，至少也是成长方形的。在下图中可以看到这几个专门名词：



　　 方阵并不是象历史家所说的那样，只是一个僵化的队形。它可以象上图所示的那样拉长（就是这个意思），成为长方形，也就是形成摆好的阵势；也可以收缩（），以便突破敌阵。
　　 但是，如果估计敌人要包抄，方阵就可以拉得很长（就象在高伽米拉战役中那样）。中央可以向前突出，从而形成两个正面（左右两个斜面）。如果方阵本身准备包抄敌人，则中央又可成凹形。方阵有时还可以成楔形或箭头形，，但必须记住，不能成封闭的楔形。最紧密的队形是，“盾牌挨盾牌”。
　　 侯加斯博士在他的《腓力和亚历山大》一书中对马其顿部队有一段有价值的描述，对他较早出的一本小册子里的说法作了些修改。
　　 本社所组译出版的 Aenaeas Tacticus 等书可能提供一些帮助。但参考时要谨慎。这些书并不能确切地代表我们的时代。

地理注释
　　 在任何一本严肃认真的地图上，亚历山大远征路线的大部分都能找出来。至于他为什么选择这些路线则并不总是容易理解的。
　　 奥瑞尔·斯太因爵士在《地理杂志》1927年十一月和十二月号上发表的文章和所著《亚历山大向印度河进军的路线》一书（1929年麦克米兰版）中，都说他 发现了阿尔诺斯山的确切地点。这件事近来引起了他很大的兴趣。他说这座山在皮尔萨尔（Pir-s'ar）山脉上，在印度河的一个河湾内，河道西边（即右 岸），在干南加尔正北，卡克达拉东北。
　　 这条山脉很符合阿里安描述的情形，只是（对一个没见过实况的读者说来）那地方似乎养活不了象阿里安所说的那么多人口。
　　 更严重的问题是，阿里安的描述是否准确。我们一直感到亚历山大沿印度河向上游走这么远似无必要。倒是有人怀疑他往北走可能是为了寻找某个山谷或关口，但未 能找到，反而被某一好战部族拦住。他们守住自己的卫城，亚历山大费了事先没有估计到的很长时间才把他们轰跑，后来他又回到南边。于是他那些耍笔杆子的追随 者们就不得不为他的部队转变方向和受到阻拦的情形找借口，因此就为亚历山大攻击这个特殊的山杜撰了许多特殊的理由。
　　 我们也许只能这样说：假如阿里安所说的情况是准确的话，那么奥瑞尔·斯太因爵士指出的这个地址几乎就可以完全肯定是没有错的。


前言
　　 托勒密（拉加斯之子）和阿瑞斯托布拉斯（阿瑞斯托布拉斯之子）都曾撰写过亚历山大 【译者注：亚历山大（公元前356－323年）336年继位，334年出征波斯帝国，沿地中海东岸南下，直抵埃及（当时这一带皆属波斯），331年回兵小亚细亚，东征波斯本土，直至印度西北部（相当于今日巴基斯坦全境）。回兵途中，于323年病死巴比伦】（腓力【 译者注：腓力二世（公元前382－336年）359年即马其顿王位。随即平定内乱，扩充军备、开拓疆土，势力遍及全希腊。后为全希腊统帅，准备远征波斯。出征前夕，于336年遇刺身死。遗志由其子亚历山大完成。】之子）的历史。他们二人所叙述一致的事迹，我都作为相当准确的材料记载在我这本书里；不一致的地方，我就选用我认为比较接近事实， 比较有记述价值的东西。关于亚历山大的事迹，别的人也有许多撰述。事实上，还没有一个人物象他那样有这么多历史家进行记述，所记内容又这么不一致。我认为 托勒密和阿瑞斯托布拉斯二人的记述较为可靠。因为阿瑞斯托布拉斯曾随国王亚历山大转战各地，托勒密则不但有同样经历，而且他本人也是个国王【译者注：托勒密系亚历山大名将之一，曾随亚历山大度过整个远征过程。亚历山大死后，埃及地区即由托勒密统治，后即称埃及王。】。对他来说，撒谎比别人更不光采。此外，他们二人撰写亚历山大历史的时候，既然他已经死了，就再不可能有什么力量强制他们说假话， 而他们自己也不会因为说假话得到什么好处。至于别人撰述中那些我认为值得记下而且并非完全不可靠的材料，我也采用了，作为流传下来的关于亚历山大的史料的 一部分。如果有人奇怪：觉得既然已经有这么多人撰写亚历山大的历史，怎么我还会想到要写这一部呢？那就请他暂时按捺一下，先把他们的著作加以研究，对我这 本书也有了认识之后再说。


1. DEATH OF PHILIP & ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER – HIS WARS WITH THE THRACIANS
IT is said that Philip died when Pythodelus was archon at Athens, and that his son Alexander, being then about twenty years of age, marched into Peloponnesus as soon as he had secured the regal power. There he assembled all the Greeks who were within the limits of Peloponnesus, and asked from them the supreme command of the expedition against the Persians, an office which they had already conferred upon Philip. He received the honour which he asked from all except the Lacedaemonians, who replied that it was an hereditary custom of theirs, not to follow others but to lead them. The Athenians also attempted to bring about some political change; but they were so alarmed at the very approach of Alexander, that they conceded to him even more ample public honours than those which had been bestowed upon Philip. He then returned into Macedonia and busied himself in preparing for the expedition into Asia. However, at the approach of spring he marched towards Thrace, into the lands of the Triballians and Illyrians, because he ascertained that these nations were meditating a change of policy; and at the same time, as they were lying on his frontier, he thought it inexpedient, when he was about to start on a campaign so far away from his own land, to leave them behind him without having been entirely subjugated. Setting out then from Amphipolis, he invaded the land of the people who were called independent Thracians, keeping the city of Philippi and Mount Orbelus on the left. Crossing the river Nessus, they say he arrived at mount Haemus on the tenth day. Here, along the defiles up the ascent to the mountain, he was met by many of the traders equipped with arms, as well as by the independent Thracians, who had made preparations to check the further advance of his expedition by seizing the summit of the Haemus, along which was the route for the passage of his army. They had collected their waggons, and placed them in front of them, not only using them as a rampart from which they might defend themselves, in case they should be forced back, but also intending to let them loose upon the phalanx of the Macedonians, where the mountain was most precipitous, if they tried to ascend. They had come to the conclusion that the denser the phalanx was with which the waggons rushing down came into collision, the more easily would they scatter it by the violence of their fall upon it.

But Alexander formed a plan by which he might cross the mountain with the least danger possible; and since he was resolved to run all risks, knowing that there were no means of passing elsewhere, he ordered the heavy-armed soldiers, as soon as the waggons began to rush down the declivity, to open their ranks, as many as the road was sufficiently wide to permit to do so and to stand apart, so that the waggons might roll down through the gap; but that those who were hemmed in on all sides should either stoop down together or even fall flat on the ground, and lock their shields compactly together, so that the waggons rushing down upon them, and in all probability by their very impetus leaping over them, might pass on without injuring them. And it turned out just as Alexander had conjectured and exhorted. For some of the men made gaps in the phalanx (and others locked their shields together). The waggons rolled over the shields without doing much injury, not a single man being killed under them. Then the Macedonians regained their courage, inasmuch as the waggons, which they had excessively dreaded, had inflicted no damage upon them. With a loud cry they assaulted the Thracians. Alexander ordered his archers to march from the right wing in front of the rest of the phalanx, because there the passage was easier, and to shoot at the Thracians wherever they advanced. He himself took his own guard, the shield-bearing infantry and the Agrianians, and led them to the left. Then the archers shot at the Thracians who sallied forward, and repulsed them; and the phalanx, coming to close fighting, easily drove away from their position men who were light-armed and badly-equipped barbarians. The consequence was, they no longer waited to receive Alexander marching against them from the left, but casting away their arms they fled down the mountain as each man best could. About 1,500 of them were killed; but only a few were taken prisoners on account of their swiftness of foot and acquaintance with the country. However, all th e women who were accompanying them were captured, as were also their children and all their booty.

一
　　 据记载，腓力死时，在雅典正值皮索德马斯执政。腓力的儿子、当时约二十岁的亚历山大继位。亚历山大即位后，随即来到伯罗奔尼撒地区，把当地希腊首要人物召 集起来，要他们在出征波斯时服从他的领导——这一点他们早就答应过腓力了。大家都同意。只有拉斯地蒙人说，他们国家的习惯不允许他们服从别人，他们的习惯 是领导别人。雅典也有些搞叛乱的迹象。但亚历山大带兵一到，他们就都垮台了，还答应给他比原先给予腓力的更加崇高的地位。然后亚历山大就回到马其顿，开始 了远征亚洲的准备工作。
　　 春天，他朝色雷斯方向进军，要去特利巴利人和伊利瑞亚人那里，因为听说他们有些搞叛乱的迹象。更重要的是，他们常在他的边界上行军。他认为，当他离开本国 进行远征时，把他们留在背后很不妥当，只有先把他们彻底降服才行。他从安菲坡利斯出发侵入色雷斯（即独立的色雷斯人的国土）。进军中，菲利比和欧布拉斯山 在他的左边。据历史家记载，他随后就渡过尼萨斯河，十天之后到达希马斯山。部队到达进山的隘路时，发现很多武装的商人和独立的色雷斯人占领了希马斯山上的 制高点，并且全都作好准备，要阻挡远征军前进，而这个制高点又是远征必经之处。他们集中了车辆，推倒在阵前，打算在受到攻击时就用这些车辆作屏障据以防 守；他们的计谋的另一部分是，当马其顿方阵部队爬到山坡上最陡处时，就把车辆滚下去。他们认为方阵越密集，翻滚下山的车辆的猛力冲撞就越容易把它冲散。
　　 不过，亚历山大也在考虑怎样才能最安全地通过山脊。他认识到，既然并无其他道路可走，这个险是非冒不可了。于是就下令全军：不论什么时候那些车辆从山坡上 向他们冲下来，凡是当时在平地上的部队都可以改变队形，向左右分开，给车辆让开一条路；凡是在狭谷中被冲的，都要把队伍集结紧密；那些实际上已经受冲倒地 的，就要把盾牌紧紧地互相连接起来，这样，那些由于加速下冲而估计要从他们身上砸过去的车辆就不致造成伤害。事情果如亚历山大所料的那样发生了；部队也都 接他的命令执行了。结果，一部分人把方阵分开了，没受到冲撞；而那些从另一部分人的盾牌上滚过去的车辆也都为害不大，并无一人死于车下。马其顿人发现这些 极其可怕的滚车无能为害时，都兴高采烈、勇气倍增，大声呼喊着向色雷斯人冲上去。亚历山大把弓箭手从右翼调到另一方阵前边——这边用箭更为得力。只要色雷 斯人出击，就从这边射他们。他亲自率领突击队、步卫队和由阿格瑞安人组成的部队 [ 译者注：以下简称“阿格瑞安部队”，是由山地人组成的轻装部队，善于进行突击战、前哨战。亚历山大打仗时，常常把他们带在身边。是一支十分得力的部队。 ] 到左翼；有弓箭手射住阵脚，色雷斯人不能前进一步；因而方阵得以逼近敌阵，没经过严重困难就把那些轻装的、武器不良的高原人从他们 的阵地上赶跑了。事实上，没等亚历山大从左翼率部队打来，他们就慌忙扔掉武器，狼狈地逃下山去。有一千五百人被消灭；生擒极少，因为他们地形熟、跑得快。 不过，跟他们来的妇女和小孩，连同行李等物，都被俘获。


2. BATTLE WITH THE TRIBALLIANS
ALEXANDER sent the booty away southward to the cities on the seashore, entrusting to Lysanias and Philotas the duty of setting it up for sale. But he himself crossed the summit, and advancing through the Haemus into the land of the Triballians, he arrived at the river Lyginus. This river is distant from the Ister three days’ march to one intending to go to the Haemus. Syrmus, king of the Triballians, hearing of Alexander’s expedition long before, had sent the women and children of the nation on in advance to the Ister, ordering them to pass over into one of the islands in that river, the name of which was Peuce. To this island also the Thracians, whose territories were contermlnous with those of the Triballians, had fled together for refuge at the approach of Alexander. Syrmus himself likewise, accompanied by his train, had fled for refuge to the same place. But the main body of the Triballians fled back to the river, from which Alexander had started the day before.
When he heard of their starting, he wheeled round again, and, marching against them, surprised them just as they were encamping. And those who were surprised drew themselves up in battle array in a woody glen along the bank of the river. Alexander drew out his phalanx into a deep column, and led it on in person. He also ordered the archers and slingers to run forward and discharge arrows and stones at the barbarians, hoping to provoke them by this to come out of the woody glen into the ground unencumbered with trees. When they were within reach of the missiles, and were struck by them, they rushed out against the archers, who were undefended by shields, with the purpose of fighting them hand-to-hand. But when Alexander had drawn them thus out of the woody glen, he ordered Philotas to take the cavalry which came from upper Macedonia, and to charge their right wing, where they had advanced furthest in their sally. He also commanded Heraclides and Sopolis to lead on the caval ry which came from Bottiaea and Amphipolis against the left wing; while he himself extended the phalanx of infantry and the rest of the horse in front of the phalanx and led them against the enemy’s centre. And indeed as long as there was only skirmishing on both sides, the Triballians did not get the worst of it; but as soon as the phalanx in dense array attacked them with vigour, and the cavalry fell upon them in various quarters, no longer merely striking them with. the javelin, but pushing them with their very horses, then at length they turned and fled through the woody glen to the river. Three thousand were slain in the flight; few also of these were taken prisoners, both because there was a dense wood in front of the river, and the approach of night deprived the Macedonians of certainty in their pursuit. Ptolemy says, that of the Macedonians themselves eleven horsemen and about forty foot soldiers were killed.

3. ALEXANDER AT THE DANUBE AND IN THE COUNTRY OF THE GETAE
ON the third day after the battle, Alexander reached the river Ister, which is the largest of all the rivers in Europe, traverses a very great tract of country, and separates very warlike nations. Most of these belong to the Celtic race, in whose territory the sources of the river take their rise. Of these nations the remotest are the Quadi and Marcomanni; then the Iazygians, a branch of the Sauromatians then the Getae, who hold the doctrine of immortality; then the main body of the Sauromatians; and, lastly, the Scythians, (whose land stretches) as far as the outlets of the river, where through five mouths it discharges its water into the Euxine Sea. Here Alexander found some ships of war which had come to him from Byzantium, through the Euxine Sea and up the river. Filling these with archers and heavy-armed troops, he sailed to the island to which the Triballians and Thracians had fled for refuge. He tried to force a landing; but the barbarians came to meet him at the brink of the river, wherever the ships made an assault. But these were only few in number, and the army in them small. The shores of the island, also, were in most places too steep and precipitous for landing, and the current of the river alongside it was rapid and exceedingly difficult to stem, because it was shut up into a narrow channel by the nearness of the banks.
Alexander therefore led back his ships, and determined to cross the Ister (and march) against the Getae, who dwelt on the other side of that river; for he observed that many of them had collected on the bank of the river for the purpose of barring his way, if he should try to cross. There were of them about 4,000 cavalry and more than 10,000 infantry. At the same time a strong desire seized him to advance beyond the Ister. He therefore went on board the fleet himself. He also filled with hay the hides which served them as tent-coverings, and collected from the Country arou nd all the boats made from single trunks of trees. Of these there was a great abundance, because the people who dwell near the Ister use them for fishing in the river, sometimes also for journeying to each other for traffic up the river; and most of them carry on piracy with them. Having collected as many of these as he could, upon them he conveyed across as many of his soldiers as was possible in such a fashion. Those who crossed with Alexander amounted in number to 1,500 cavalry and 4,000 infantry.